I wouldn’t know any other Star staff members aside from Chun Wai, Joeclyn [Joceline], and Barradan [K. Baradan].
We make this simple:
So you [Helen Ang] yourself mention there are thousands of Chinese reporters in the Star.
We need not scroll far down to see the multitude of political news pieces biased to portray Barisan favorably, and the opposition parties negatively.
Therefore, the journalists writing them are pro government.
As most of the journalists would be Chinese, its correct to conclude the Chinese Star journos would be sympathetic to the government.
My friends, co workers, and family all think the Star is pro government. You [Helen] in fact are the first person I have seen with this idea there is a secret plot in that newspaper. However your idea is kind of like a house of cards.
Comment by reader AC-DC originally @ 2013/03/17 at 9:32 pm
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AC-DC and I had an earlier exchange on a related topic.
By AC-DC @ 2013/03/17 at 1:11 pm
So how would you explain the loss of say, Chng Toh Eng to Charles Santiago in Klang, plus the results in Teluk Intan and Ipoh Barat, just to cite several examples? In which voters rejected a candidate of the same ethnicity for another of different ethnicity?
Helen Ang’s reply to AC-DC @ 2013/03/17 at 7:09 pm
Do Malaysians vote according to race?
Here’s an entry in the LKS blog quoting data obtained from Parliament Q & A, http://blog.limkitsiang.com/2008/05/05/2007-malaysian-population-2717-million/
It says Indians make up 7.5 percent of the population.
You specify 3 Parliament seats. Remember that there is no Parliament seat anywhere in Malaysia that has an Indian-majority electorate.
You say that DAP Indians won in Ipoh Barat, Teluk Intan and Klang.
- Ipoh Barat has 22.9% Indian voters
- Teluk Intan has 20.0% Indian voters
- Klang has 18.6% Indian voters
In all of those three seats, the Indians were more than double and in Ipoh Barat
close to triple the national average of 7.5 percent of the population.
Also in 2008, there was the Hindraf factor which swung the Indian votes massively.
If Malaysians voted colour blind, a Malay candidate could have won in all of the three seats. How come neither BN nor Pakatan put up a Malay candidate there?
Looking closer at the Teluk Intan seat
The Parliament seat of Teluk Intan had a total of 52,354 electors in 2008.
The race breakdown was:
- Malay: 36.16%= 18,931 electors
- Chinese: 43.82%= 22,941 electors
- Indian: 19.96% = 10,490 electors
(with a very, very minor discrepancy)
The voter turnout was 70 percent:
- Malay: 13,252 turned up to vote
- Chinese: 16,059 turned up to vote
- Indian: 7,343 turned up to vote
(assuming a uniform turnout of 7 out of every 10 Malay, Chinese, Indian voters)
The national average of support for the opposition (Pakatan across the board and not party specific) was estimated at:
- 42% Malay support
- 64% Chinese support
- 52% Indian support
Using the same percentages, the DAP Parliamentary candidate might have gotten:
- 42% out of 13,252 votes = 6,891 Malay voters
- 64% out of 16,059 votes = 10,278 Chinese voters
- 52% out of 7,343 votes = 3,818 Indian voters
On the assumption of Teluk Intan following the national trend of 42 percent Malays, 64 percent Chinese and 52 percent Indians voting for the opposition, DAP’s candidate M. Manogaran should have gotten 20,987 votes in total.
However he only obtained 18,486 votes.
The Teluk Intan Parliamentary constituency comprises two state seats — Pasir Bedamar and Changkat Jong. Both were won by the opposition.
The PAS man in Changkat Jong got 8,705 votes and the DAP man in Pasir Bedamar got 13,655 votes. Added together the opposition obtained (8,705+13,655=) 22,360 votes in the two state seats under the Teluk Intan Parliament.
However, the opposition candidate contesting Teluk Intan only received 18,486 votes. There is a difference of 3,874 votes.
Meaning 3,874 voters who backed the Malay PAS candidate and the Chinese DAP candidate at state level failed to support the DAP Indian candidate at Parliament level.
On the BN side of the divide, Umno’s Changkat Jong candidate got 7,806 votes and the MCA’s Pasir Bedamar candidate got 5,741 votes. Added together, both the BN men got 13,547 votes.
But the MCA candidate for the Teluk Intan Parliament got 17,016 votes.
Meaning, BN got 3,469 more votes at Parliament level than it did at state level.
Don’t forget that 3,874 voters who backed the Malay PAS candidate and the Chinese DAP candidate at state level failed to support the DAP Indian candidate at Parliament level. Now we know that 3,469 of those people voted for MCA’s Datuk Mah Siew Keong at Parliament level even though they had voted for DAP at state level.
It’s like this.
MCA Chinese vs DAP Indian
MCA Chinese vs DAP Chinese
Umno Malay vs PAS Malay
The most reasonable inference to account for the difference of between 3,469 to 3,874 votes is that the Chinese who supported DAP’s Seah Leong Peng (against MCA’s Lee Heng) were at the same time unwilling to give their vote to an Indian but voted for the MCA Datuk instead.
The national trend of 42% Malay-64% Chinese-52% Indian support also failed to tally with the lesser amount of votes received by Manogaran. He should have received more votes if 64% of the Chinese had supported him.
Assuming that he received more than 52% (national average) of Indian votes – let’s just say he got 70% of the Indian votes – then it would infer than even fewer Chinese had voted for him due to the inverse proportions to balance.
My original thesis with the voting patterns in Pandan and Bentong indicated that the Chinese voters in both constituencies gave their votes to the MCA man at Parliament level even though at DUN level, all the opposition candidates [in Pandan] had won.
And I had conjectured that MCA had won in Pandan and Bentong because the opponents were Malay and Indian respectively.
The theory you quoted from Amri Yunos’s blog analysis said that the Chinese were the most racialist voters. Not true, meh?
Updated: 9.26pm (18 March 2013)
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Since the calculations below missed a step, I’ve struck it out. My thanks to AD-DC for pointing out.
We’ll look closer at Klang.
The Klang Parliamentary constituency won by DAP’s Charles Santiago comprises 3 state seats of Port Klang, Pandamaran and Kota Alam Shah.
All the DUNs were swept by the opposition, respectively Badrul Hisham Abdullah (PKR at that time, now independent), Ronnie Liu and Manoharan (the Hindraf ISA detainee).
CORRECTION: I made a mistake with the Klang numbers as I calculated on a full 100 percent turnout and have reworked using the same formula on the Teluk Intan seat instead.
Let’s work out the Klang numbers.
Voter turnout in Klang was 76.2%. Klang had a voter base of 77,816 electors. Using this 76.2% uniform figure across ethnicity, we can project that those who turned up to vote on 8 March 2008 comprised:
I’ll use the following percentages of opposition support to work out Charles Santiago’s votes.
Using the percentages above, Charles Santiago should have gotten
23,442 Chinese votes
7,518 Indian votes
10,932 Malay votes