The PAS president gave two latest sermons.
In the one yesterday Hadi Awang said, “PAS, Umno dan Bersatu yang merupakan tiga parti teras Melayu-Islam dan bumiputera perlu disatukan”.
Supaya acuan Islam boleh diperkenalkan dengan lebih berkesan.
Juga untuk menyingkirkan langkah negatif yang diambil oleh kalangan “kumpulan bukan Islam yang ekstrem”, kata Hadi.
In his sermon today, Hadi said: “Kita sedang menyaksikan tamadun Barat sedang membakar diri sendiri kerana melakukan perkara yang melawan fitrah manusia”.
The USA is dysfunctional. While American cities burn, its legacy media tell their pro-Democrat audiences that the BLM riots of 2020 were “mostly peaceful” demonstrations.
The screengrab above shows CNN reporter Omar Jimenez broadcasting live from Kenosha, Wisconsin on 26 Aug 2020. The chyron by his cable network said “mostly peaceful protests” when fires can be seen blazing behind him onscreen.
Fake news media allies of the Democrats are feeding their American public an Orwellian unreality. DAP is similarly gaslighting the non Malays.
Already the Chinese are living in an ethnic silo. DAP propaganda reverberating in their echo chamber manufactures a 95 percent consensus that is divorced from Malaysian reality.
No surprise then that Singapore top diplomat Bilahari Kausikan (pix), now retired, thought Chinese in Malaysia to be “delusional”.
How can they not be delusional when they’re drunk on the Koolaid copiously supplied by the dysfunctional DAP.
BELOW: Pre pandemic, Cina DAP made a show of being pro tudung but today barred from mosques due to Covid restrictions, DAP are posturing online as pro Rohingya and pro Palestinians … strangely not pro Uighurs though
From top, the DAP Yang Berhormats are Adun Lee Kee Hiong and MP Hannah Yeoh plus their Chinese entourages; an older picture of MP Yeo Bee Yin with Malay ladies and a more recent picture of her among Malay gentlemen in TNB’s Balai Islam
Love undocumented migrants, hate PAS
Najib has pointedly asked the MCA if they remembered who their Malay friends are — see his Facebook entry two days ago (below).
DAP is dysfunctional because they’re continually making enemies of the Malay majority left, right, centre and everywhere despite all the tudung wearing by its evangelists.
It is painful to watch evangelist DAP attacking everybody in PAS, and dissing everything about Islamist PAS.
Hannah Yeoh, for example – who has 336,800 Twitter followers – had from the get-go badmouthed her successor in the Women’s Ministry. The Deputy Minister from PAS, Siti Zailah, was soon bullied off the social media platform after being trolled mercilessly by Dapsters.
In 2015, Singapore diplomat Bilahari Kausikan (then his country’s ambassador-at-large) had said Malaysian Chinese were “delusional”.
He also said: ”Some in Umno began to question whether it was really necessary to work with the Chinese at all”.
Even in 2015, the expert observer (Kausikan was Singapore‘s former permanent secretary for foreign affairs) could see the inability of MCA to recover Chinese support.
Fast forward to 2021.
Cina DAP are still delusional because they continue to back a dysfunctional party that is incapable of making consequential Malay friends except for the likes of Anwar, Mat Sabu and Syed Saddiq.
Instead of honestly appraising criticism coming from outsiders (such as the aforementioned non-Chinese diplomat), Kit Siang retorted by calling Kausikan an “ugly Singaporean”.
Meanwhile, Tony Pua chose to pick a fight with Kausikan personally.
It is ironic that Tony Pua – see above – slammed Singapore for not having any friends among the other countries when his party has precious few friends among our own countrymen.
Action, oppostite reaction ding-dong
Kit Siang’s Twitter reference to the Bilahari Kausikan article was timestamped 6 Oct 2015.
Najib’s FB referencing MCA was posted on 8 Aug 2021. Much has developed politically in the span of those six years from mid-2015 to now, mid-2021.
So how well have the observations of the Singapore diplomat about Chinese delusions held up?
In his 6 Oct 2015 lengthy op-ed titled ‘Singapore is not an island’ published in The Straits Times, Kausikan noted how the anti-government demonstrations [Bersih] in Malaysia were “predominantly Chinese affairs”.
The usual ‘Action’ begetting ‘Equal and opposition reaction’ pendulum had swung giddily in 2015.
The affray that broke out in July 2015 at Low Yat Plaza “exposed the tinderbox Malaysia had become”, Kausikan had written contemporaneously then. It was a racial incident, he concluded.
Ismail Sabri famously waded into the fray with his ‘Low Yat 2’ response.
Then came the Chinese vs Malay swingback.
“The anti-government Bersih demonstrations held in late August this year  were, despite a sprinkling of other races, predominantly Chinese affairs,” Kausikan wrote from the vantage point of October that year.
Bersih took place on 30 Aug 2015, the eve of Hari Kebangsaan. Its huge Chinese assembly was to cause a Malay blowback which duly occurred the following month on Hari Malaysia.
The Cina-turun-padang, or turun ke Dataran Merdeka to be precise, mobilization in August courted Malay backlash in September.
On Sept 16 (National Day), the nationalist Red Shirts descended on Chinatown in Petaling Street. The FRU had to use water cannons to disperse the Malay protestors.
Separately, the Himpunan Merah Malay crowd (pix below) which gathered in KL streets on 16 Sept 2015 was comparable in size to the Bersih Chinese crowds.
Coincidentally, 2015 was also the year when Muhyiddin was sacked as DPM by then PM Najib.
What a reversal of fortune between Najib and Muhyiddin in the passage of a mere half dozen years!
Kausikan’s crystal ball (2015)
Chinese are delusional to think DAP cares to ubah anything else except swap the occupiers of Putrajaya.
The only change was having to put up with DAP cabinet ministers instead of MCA cabinet ministers.
(a) Can Chinese ever change the system?
Bilahari Kausikan wrote on 6 Oct 2015 about the cardinal principle of Malay dominance: “So long as this [political and social compact] was not challenged, other races could have their own space”.
But the status quo was challenged, prompting Najib to issue a reminder in September 2015: “Don’t forget […] Malays also have their limits”.
According to Kausikan in his Straits Times op-ed, the system that placed Umno at its centre representing Malay dominance “did not serve Malaysia badly” that is until relatively recently, and “it was a system we [Singapore] learnt to work with, while going our own way”.
“We, of course, have no choice but to work with whatever system or leader emerges in Malaysia,” he added. “But some systems will be easier to work with than others.”
By late 2015, however, the cracks in the system could no longer be papered over.
“That familiar system is now under immense stress. It is not certain that it can hold together,” observed the Singapore diplomat.
And indeed, it crumbled barely three years later in 2018 but only for a brief period of time before reassembling.
(b) Can Christians change the system?
They can try since some Christians are bumiputera.
In 2015, Kausikan did not believe that the motley crew of Pakatan Rakyat could “form a new multiracial system”.
Speaking of PR, Kausikan wrote: “Although its component parties are in theory multiracial, they have nothing in common except the ambition to displace BN”.
He was just as pessimistic about Pakatan Harapan.
PH 2018–2020 was in fact even more motley than its predecessor PR. The stranger bedfellow in this coalition included Bersatu.
“Pakatan Harapan is a forlorn hope (pun intended),” Kausikan wrote in 2015.
The system cannot ubah and it is delusional of the Chinese to think they can change the country by changing the government.
“The cardinal principle of Malay dominance is enshrined in the Constitution, which also places Islam as the first component in the definition of a Malay,” Kausikan wrote.
In Malaysia, interpretation of Islam has become irreversibly more austere and exclusive, he opined.
”The result has been an increasingly pronounced emphasis on religion in Umno’s political identity and a significant and continuing narrowing of the political and social space for non-Muslims,” he said in 2015.
BELOW: Who was leading the Orang Asli at Dataran Merdeka on 30 Aug 2015?
(c) Is a DAP-led Christian opposition shaping up?
“Surveys show that Malaysian Malays privilege Islamic credentials over other qualities they look for in their leaders,” wrote Kausikan.
Malaysian Malays polled in the 2010s also identified themselves as Muslims first.
“Umno and PAS may eventually form some sort of de facto if not de jure alliance that could be the core of a new ruling system,” Kausikan had rightly predicted in 2015, presaging the creation of Muafakat.
His other prediction – “There may be token ornaments of other races, but the Malaysian system will then comprise an overwhelmingly dominant Malay government with a DAP-led Chinese opposition” – was absolutely spot on too.
Kausikan believed what he forecast to be “probable” but that the Malay-Muslim consolidation in the form of Umno-PAS would not happen overnight. Kausikan’s 2015 crystal ball gazing turned out to be so correct only five years down the road.
(d) Religion, not race, is the next pressure point
“It is my impression that many young Malaysian Chinese have forgotten the lessons of May 13, 1969,” said Kausikan.
The Chinese, he said, are naive to believe that the system built around the principle of Malay dominance can be changed.
This naïveté, surmised Kausikan, may be why the Chinese have almost wholly abandoned MCA for the DAP. “They are delusional,” he declared.
“Malay dominance will be defended by any means.” Again, Kausikan in his 2015 review of Malaysian politics was prescient and described ahead of time the motivating principle behind the Sheraton Move.
“Any new system will still be built around this [Malay dominance] principle, and if it has some form of Umno-PAS collaboration at its centre, enforcement of this principle will be even more rigorous with even less space for non-Muslims,” Kausikan had said in October 2015.
Note that Kausikan anticipated “less space for non Muslims”. He did not say ‘less space for non Malays’.
Kausikan believed “the pressure point is religion.”
According to him: “Religion in Singapore is not immune from globalisation’s consequences, and not just in our Muslim community. Evangelical Christianity is one example”.
He explained that in secular Singapore, religion is separate from the state. “Not so in Malaysia.”
(e) Apa yang Kristian DAP mau?
Among other things, they want to know what happened to Pastor Raymond Koh who is believed to be a victim of ‘enforced disappearance’.
What they’re less interested for the general public to find out is the reason behind the Pastor Raymond controversy, i.e. proselytizing to Muslims.
In his op-ed, Kausikan further recalled: “Two days after the  election, Utusan Malaysia, an Umno mouthpiece, pointedly asked “Apa Lagi Cina Mau’?”
“The question was provocatively phrased, but not entirely unreasonable,” he conceded.
“Prime Minister Najib Razak tried hard to win back Chinese votes but got almost nothing for his efforts,” Kausikan observed.
Kausikan failed to mention that Najib had tried equally hard to win back Christian votes — to the extent of allowing kalimah Allah to be used in Sabah and Sarawak.
And now we’ve come to the second half of 2021. Compared to 2015, Najib has learned much. He no longer expects the Chinese votes to return to BN.
His poke two days ago at the MCA reminding them about friendship was just a matter of melepaskan batuk di tangga.
Since the Chinese have chosen to put all their eggs in one basket by destroying MCA, it is PAS that has clout currently over Umno — a leverage which the Chinese BN party has lost.
To repeat an earlier point, the then Singapore ambassador-at-large Bilahari Kausikan revealed in 2015: “Some in Umno began to question whether it was really necessary to work with the Chinese at all”.
The musings about cooperating with Chinese was Phase One. Umno already knows the answer.
We’re now in Phase Two.