Ismail Sabri kicked off the twelfth Malaysia Plan (2021 – 2025) yesterday.
Harapan Heroes will debate this RMK12, which is themed “Makmur, Inklusif, Mampan in parliament, and the Dapsters should listen to their (i.e. the oppo MPs) input.
The RMKs printed in book form usually goes into the hundreds of pages, so our lawmakers in the Dewan will have a lot of details to discuss from its contents — that is if the 42 MPs from the DAP are reading the plan and translating it into Chinese for their grassroots.
It is interesting that Ismail Sabri inserted the word “inclusive” in his RMK12 slogan.
The PM had also mentioned its twin word “diversity”, with regard to his ‘Malaysian Family’ tagline, in his maiden speech at the UN general assembly a couple of days ago.
BELOW: Hashtag # Keluarga M’sia — the text of Ismail Sabri’s speech launching RMK12 can be read HERE
History of Diversity & Inclusion
This year is the 50th anniversary of the New Economic Policy.
NEP was conceived in 1970 as a direct result of the 13 May 1969 race riots and launched through the Second Malaysia Plan (1971 – 1975).
NEP ended in 1990 and was replaced in 1991 with the NDP (National Development Policy) introduced by Mahathir.
The NDP in turn was replaced by the NVP (National Vision Policy) which was Mahathir’s “wawasan” and lodged in the Third Outline Perspective Plan 2001 – 2010.
NVP 2020 continued Mahathir’s vision.
After half a century of NEP, we’ve reached 2021.
The Nons see NEP-NDP-NVP as the Never Ending Policy.
Chinese are in full support of this decades-long endeavour by the country’s longest serving establishment politician.
That’s why 95 percent of them reelected Atuk as prime minister in 2018, and extending Mahathirism 1.0 into Mahathirism 2.0.
NEP: Rancangan Malaysia from No.2 to No.12
RMKs are strategic five-year socioeconomic plans, of which there have accumulated a round dozen of them to date.
A majority of the plans were carried out under Mahathir’s watch.
While the (95%) Chinese community await their DAP reps’ communication – via social media messaging – about the contents of Ismail Sabri’s RMK12, it should be remembered that Mahathir was the intellectual ‘godfather’ (ideologue) behind the NEP.
Atuk’s fingerprints are not merely all over the NEP but his hands have firmly shaped the “vision”.
Therefore to obtain situational awareness, the Nons only need to read Mahathir’s blueprint The Malay Dilemma for an understanding of how their Beloved Atuk thinks.
BELOW: Mahathir’s Christian fanboys and fangirls from DAP
95% of DAP lifetime spent under the Lims
The DAP’s Setapak Declaration 1967 “reaffirms [their] viewpoint that in the process of nation-building, ethnic equality must be made the paramount principle. It is upon this principle that the separation of citizens into ‘bumiputra’ and ‘non- bumiputra’ is strongly opposed”.
The DAP’s 1968 statement on cultural democracy “promotes multiculturalism as a source of national strength and the foundation of collective culture”.
Relatedly, the DAP wants equal treatment for the vernacular schools and for admission to public universities to be based on merit.
The DAP‘s Petaling Declaration 1981 calls for “the quota system” to be abolished.
The DAP‘s Tanjong Declaration 1992 proclaims the party’s continued “struggle for genuine ethnic equality”.
In 2008, DAP signed the Barisan Rakyat people’s manifesto and in 2018, produced the Harapan Book of Promises, Buku Jingga.
Equality among the races, and opposition to “bumiputera” categorization have been the DAP’s battlecry since the party’s founding in 1966.
DAP is 55 years old.
For roughly ‘95 percent’ (actually around close to 94% to be more precise but then, the symbolism of ‘95’ is just too tempting to resist) of the party’s lifespan thus far, DAP was under some form of combined control by the Father & Son.
Today, Lim Guan Eng – who has been the party sec-gen for 17 years since 2004 – is more preoccupied with nitpicking the MACC than disentangling the NEP.
His father Kit Siang served as DAP sec-gen for 30 years (Oct 1969 to Dec 1999) and furthermore as party chairman for another four-plus years (1999 – 2004).
Approximately ‘95 percent’-asterisk of the DAP lifespan has been spent under the control of Lim Sr and Lim Jr. The Chinese scream ‘ubah’ but it’s not necessary for the process of change to begin at home.
Yesterday responding to the opposition MoU signed with Ismail Sabri, Kit Siang invoked Nelson Mandela choosing to negotiate with “the South African apartheid government ” as the less terrible alternative course of action to take.
It appears that Kit Siang was similarly alluding to less terrible alternative (apartheid ?) when he defended DAP negotiations with Ismail Sabri.
Negotiations between political parties yield sweet fruit for their top politicians.
From the pre-GE14 backroom bargaining, Mahathir got his PM7 job.
Ismail Sabri, who has the PM9 job, newly obtained a political ceasefire allowing him to shelter in place without a vote of ‘No Confidence’ being called, presumably.
We know what the Chinese electorate got for their 95 percent* backing of Mahathirism 2.0 — the Sheraton Move … because Elections Have Consequences.
What are these clever Chinese voters getting in return from the recent MoU?
Lim Guan Eng was charged with corruption (Bungalowgate) on 30 June 2016.
Guan Eng was acquitted by the court on 3 Sept 2018 upon the recommendation of the Attorney-General’s Chambers to drop his charges.
Tommy Thomas had become the AG three months earlier on 3 June 2018, and was a Harapan appointee. The coalition took over Putrajaya less than a month before that.
Guan Eng is now back in court again on other corruption charges relating to the Penang undersea tunnel.